Donald Trump’s victory is soured by the fact that he polled nearly one million fewer votes than Mitt Romney in 2012, and around 150,000 fewer votes than Hilary Clinton—and was only saved by the skewed Electoral College system combined with a smaller nonwhite voter turnout.
As of 9:45 AM ET, Clinton had polled 59,248,278 votes to Trump’s 59,095,507—a figure which will change slightly with final results, but which indicate the true racial undertones of the election. Clinton polled five million fewer votes than Obama in 2012.
These racial fault lines were demonstrated most clearly in the nonwhite-majority Hispanic state of California, where Clinton polled around 5.4 million votes to Trump’s 2.9 million.
Another good example was New York state, where Clinton won the four counties making up the New York City metropolitan area (Manhattan, the Bronx, Queens, and Brooklyn) by 1,902,359 votes to Trump’s 365,571—a majority which allowed her to win the entire state, even though Trump won almost all the New York counties outside of the city.
A map showing the size of the Clinton leads (above) reveals areas which provided the Democratic Party’s votes: The large cities of the East and West coasts, southern Florida, Detroit, Atlanta, and the large cities in Texas and other southern states—all big nonwhite concentration areas.
Trump also polled one million fewer votes than Mitt Romney in 2012, despite a supposed “white surge” in votes.
Romney polled 60,933,504 votes in 2012, to Barack Obama’s 65,915,795 votes.
Furthermore, Clinton’s failure to reach Obama’s total (which entailed a drop of over five million votes) is due to a lower nonwhite turnout across the board.
According to Edison Research’s national election poll, 58 percent of whites voted for Trump, and 37 percent for Clinton.
Nonwhites voted overwhelmingly for Clinton. Some 92 percent of blacks voted for her, as did 71 percent of “Latinos.”
Trump’s 29 percent of “Latino” votes is most likely being distorted because at least of those classed as “Latinos” will in fact be white.
Trump’s core vote was therefore white. According to the exit polls, a majority of white men—63 percent—voted for Trump, as did a majority of white women (53 percent). The voting turnouts show however that, despite Trump winning the Electoral College vote, he has nowhere near “safe” majority support within the U.S.
Just over half the country’s voters turned out against him, and if the nonwhite turnout had been marginally higher—a few percentage points—he would have lost.
Given that 800,000 Hispanic teenagers turn 18 each year—and therefore become eligible to vote—it is clear that even under the Electoral College system, each passing year snatches more and more winnable states from the Republican Party.
If Trump even understands the enormity of the demographic issue at stake (and no one knows if he does), then he now faces what might be his most difficult task of all. This task will be to deal with the reality that unless legal Third World immigration to America is reversed, than the ongoing racial demographic swing against whites will make a Trump re-election impossible—and America will be plunged into majority Third World status within a few decades.
It might be possible that Hispanics will leave by themselves if and when President Trump starts building walls to keep other Hispanics out.
It may also be possible that President Trump will enact other measures to reduce the growing domestic nonwhite population, although what those might be, is open to speculation.
Another alternative—and one which might ultimately be more politically viable than deporting millions of legal immigrants—would be to balkanize America into different independent states, along the lines of the map above.
How far any of this is fantasy, and what might be possible, is unknown at this stage. Given the extent of the Trump earthquake, anything might happen.
All that can be said at this stage is that Trump’s victory is precarious, despite his Electoral College success, and that firm anti-Third World immigration policies will be necessary to sustain even this wafer-thin victory.